Jews.  They were single women—or married women without children—who had the German nationality.  That is why they were automatically regarded as suspect, especially with the war between Germany and France beginning to be fought, and therefore interned.  Thereafter, about 7500 Jews from Baden and the Saar-Palatinate were deported to Gurs on October 22, 1940 (among them another former student of Maria-Theresia-School, Rosa Lieblich).  The police of the Vichy regime continued sending to this camp Jews who had been apprehended in France.
Marie felt that she had to help the rabbi at the camp.  When relatives tried to free her with money, she is said to have refused to leave the camp.  Marie’s niece Hanna Lantz, née Hannelore Bach, wrote to Eleonore Philipp from Taylor, Michigan, on December 28, 1994 (in reasonably good German despite a period of emigration that had lasted almost 50 years):  “My aunt Marie Bach—my father’s youngest sister—lived and worked in Paris.  She was taken to the Gurs Concentration Camp.  My aunt Lisbeth (who married my father’s younger brothter, Albert, and lives with him in Israel) had given money to someone at the camp.  Aunt Marie, however, said that she could not leave the camp’s rabbi.  She was always eager to help him.  She was very religious.  Later on, she was taken to Terezin and murdered by gas.”
Instead of Terezin (“Theresienstadt”) it is more likely to have been Auschwitz.  In 1942 and 1943 the Jewish prisoners at Gurs were deported to Auschwitz and other extermination camps in Poland via the transit camp at Drancy (near Paris).  On August 10, 1942, such a transport went from Drancy to Auschwitz.  A woman called Marie Bach is on the list of those deported—presumably being identical with

the Augsburg citizen, even though the date of birth and birthplace do not exactly correspond with the Augsburg documents.
Hanna Schramm, who was interned at Gurs from June 1940 to November 1941, reports, in her reminiscences, of a woman near 40 called Lisbeth Bach, who appeared in Block M in the winter of 1940/41, being responsible for some time for ‘welfare’.  Previously, according to H. Schramm, Lisbeth Bach had been housekeeper for the rabbi of Marseille, at Gurs she arranged contact between the leaders of Block M and the rabbi of the camp, Leo Ansbacher.  “Never thinking of herself and with an almost fanatical sense of justice, that was Bach.”  H. Schramm obviously confused first names.  Two letters written by Marie Bach from Gurs to her sister Johanna (“Hannah”) Bernheim clearly indicate that Marie was quartered in Block M by May 1941 and that she was a member of the “Service social”.  When Marie’s sister Hannah wrote a letter to a Jewish rescue organisation in May 1941, Marie’s official address was given as a location in Marseille.  A photo remains showing Hanna Schramm and eight other women at Camp de Gurs, among them Anne-Lise Eisenstadt, who helped Hanna Schramm in 1940/41 to look after Block M.  Anne-Lise Eisenstadt has identified “social worker” Marie Bach among the women on the photo.
According to his reminiscences on August 10th, 1942—according to the transport list on the 12th, however—, there was also a man called Rolf Weinstock among the Jews who had to get on the wagons at Drancy station.  Rolf Weinstock survived his deportation to Auschwitz.  His memories of the transport are the following:  “Cattle cars, without straw and with only 20cm high and 50cm long air-holes, were driven up.  The number 50 was written on the signboard where

usually the number of cattle to be transported was noted.  ...Once all wagons were filled, we were given provisions for two days and a 20 liter bucket of water for 50 people.  Then the wagons were closed and sealed.  We were shut in.”  The train journey to Auschwitz lasted five days.  Many of the deported already died on the train.
Marie Bach is regarded as missing.
Marie’s sister, Johanna (b. 1895), married Adolph Bernheim, who was co-owner of the “Mechanische Buntweberei (Mechanical Color Weaving Mill) Bernheim & Cie.” in Bronnweiler (near Reutlingen).  The couple had two children and moved
with them to Tübingen in 1930.  In 1937, their daughter Doris left the country to attend a boarding school in England.  After the “Aryanization” of the company, the other three family members emigrated to the USA in 1939.  Shortly before the voyage, they visited Johanna’s father, Max Bach, in Augsburg one more time.  On that occasion, they witnessed the burning of Augsburg’s synagogue in November 1938.  Doris also followed her family to America.  Johanna Bernheim, née Bach, died in Cincinnati, Ohio, in 1990.
Marie’s brother Fritz (b. 1897) was arrested after the pogrom night on November 10, 1938.  After a few weeks of imprisonment at the Dachau concentration camp followed his dispossession, the “Aryanization” of his clothes shop and the loss of his flat in Munich.  In 1939, he emigrated to the USA.  His wife, Lotte, and his daughter, Hannelore, (both were Protestants and regarded as “tainted by Jewish relations”) stayed in Germany under difficult conditions.  Fritz did not see them again until 1947.  He died in Southgate, Michigan, in 1995.
Marie’s brother Albert (b. 1899) emigrated to France with his wife, Lisbeth, née

Gabriele Mittag, “Es gibt Verdammte nur in Gurs.”  Literatur, Kultur und Alltag in einem südfranzösischen Internierungslager.  1940–1942, Tübingen, 1996, p. 39 (photograph from Camp de Gurs, showing the “social worker” Marie Bach).
Andreas Heusler, Brigitte Schmidt, Eva Ohlen, Tobias Weger and Simone Dicke, Biographisches Gedenkbuch der Münchner Juden 1933–1945, vol. 1 (A–L), ed. Munich City Archives (“Stadtarchiv München”), Munich, 2003, p. 73 (on Max Bach).
Eleonore Philipp, Gerettet. Erinnerungen an zwei Familien im Nationalsozialismus.  Familie Bach und Familie Gailer, Niederroth, 1998 (on the family of Fritz Bach).
Hanna Schramm, Menschen in Gurs.  Erinnerungen an ein französisches Internierungslager (1940–1941).  Mit einem dokumentarischen Beitrag zur französischen Emigrantenpolitik (1933–1944) von Barbara Vormeier, Worms, 1977, esp. pp. 100–104 (on Lisbeth Bach).
Barbara Vormeier, “Dokumentation zur französischen Emigrantenpolitik (1933–1944)—Ein Beitrag,” as above, pp. 155–384.
Rolf Weinstock, Das wahre Gesicht Hitler-Deutschlands.  Häftling Nr. 59000 erzählt von dem Schicksal der 10000 Juden aus Baden, aus der Pfalz und aus dem Saargebiet in den Höllen von Dachau, Gurs-Drancy, Auschwitz, Jawischowitz, Buchenwald, Singen, 1948.
Ulrike Baumgärtner, “Die Emigration der Familie Bernheim—Rekonstruktion einer Ausplünderung und Vertreibung” and “Die Familie Bernheim in den USA—Eine neue jüdisch-amerikanische Identität,” Geschichtswerkstatt Tübingen, ed., Zerstörte Hoffnungen.  Wege der Tübinger Juden, Stuttgart, 1995, pp. 303–14 and 315–18 (on the family of Johanna Bernheim, née Bach).

According to the accompanying security guards, the transport to Kaunas went ‘smoothly’.  Only the lack of sufficient water caused unrest.  …The train ride lasted three days; it is no longer possible to reconstruct the exact route.  The train reached Kaunas on a Saturday evening.  The Munich Jews were marched the 6 kilometers to Fort IX Northwest of the city.  …On November 25, 1941—thus, after they had been held an additional two days in the rotten dungeon of the fort—, the persons who had been deported from Munich, together with other Jews, …were shot.  The dead bodies were hastily buried in already dug trenches.  The persons were left, up until the end, in uncertainty as to their predetermined fate” (A. Heusler).
Johanna Bär’s name is listed on a glass plaque of the shoah memorial that can be visited in Augsburg’s City Hall (artist: Klaus Goth).

Source:
Andreas Heusler, “Fahrt in den Tod.  Der Mord an den Münchner Juden in Kaunas (Litauen) am 25. November 1941,” Munich City Archives (“Stadtarchiv München”), ed., “…verzogen, unbekannt wohin.”  Die erste Deportation von Münchner Juden im November 1941, Zurich—Munich, 2000, pp. 13–24.

stations, between Terezin and Ossovo.  In his memoirs, One Man Returned, published in Germany in 1965, he tells about Piaski:  “Piaski is a small town in the Lublin district, surrounded by sand, swamps, and forests.  The state road from Lublin to Chelm divides it into two parts.  Therefore, the Jewish ghetto, which once was very large and inhabited by approx. 3000 local Jews, extended on both sides of the state road.  Now, however, these two parts of the ghetto were each enclosed by high fences made of boards and barbed wire.  They had big gates, which were permanently guarded and opened only twice a day, for one hour in the morning and one in the afternoon.  The gates were closed towards the state road.  ...
The houses of the ghetto were mostly made of wood.  They had only small yards and were closely boxed together, mostly built on ground level, only a few had one story.  ...The  small town had neither plumbing nor sewer.  For the approx. 6000 inhabitants of the two parts of the ghetto...there was only one well with acceptable drinking water in the southern part.  Each person was allowed to fetch only one ten litre bucket a day from that well.  ...
The SS commando which was in charge of the ghetto was stationed in a large, solid building on the outskirts of the southern part of the ghetto, at the state road.  The SS could well observe both parts of the ghetto from the balcony of the building.  Every visit by those ‘members of the master race’ meant slaps, kicks, and beatings.  They confiscated food which was ‘not allowed’ and smuggled into the ghetto.  ...Twenty to thirty people, nothing but skin and bones, died of hunger every day.  ...

In spite of these catastrophic provision conditions, all men and women who were able to work were recruited into groups to do excavation, gardening, and upkeep of the roads.  ...Also within the ghetto, there was enough work to do, for instance, the cleaning and deepening of the drainage and gravel ditches, and the construction of latrines, latrines, and more latrines, of which there were never enough.”
In the autumn of 1942, some Jews were taken from Piaski to Belzec, the others, approx. 4000, were taken to Sobibor, where they were killed.  Immediately thereafter, the Piaski ghetto was occupied anew by other deported Jews.
Until the summer of 1942, some letters of the Jews deported to Piaski were received in Augsburg.  According to Klara’s son Ernst, there was a rumor that his mother, together with others, had been shot during the transport “as a warning”  (letter to Rabbi Ernst Jacob, May 11, 1945).
Klara Cramer’s name (here: Clara Cramer) is listed on a glass plaque of the shoah memorial that can be visited in Augsburg’s City Hall (artist: Klaus Goth).

Sources and further reading:
Irmgard Hirsch-Erlund, Irmgard.  Eine jüdische Kindheit in Bayern und eine Vertreibung, ed. Gernot Römer, Augsburg, 1999, pp. 32–36.
Ernst Cramer, Letter of May 11, 1945, printed by Ernst Jacob, Circular No. 10, August 1945, Gernot Römer, ed., “An meine Gemeinde in der Zerstreuung.”  Die Rundbriefe des Augsburger Rabbiners Ernst Jacob 1941–1949, Augsburg, 2007, pp. 101–15, at pp. 105–8.
Ernst Cramer, Erfahrungen, Einsichten, Zeugnisse.  Beiträge zur deutsch-jüdischen Aussöhnung, Berlin (private publishing Axel Springer Verlag), 1992, esp. pp. 34–37.
Arnold Hindls, Einer kehrte zurück.  Bericht eines Deportierten, Stuttgart, 1965, pp. 12–32.